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CONSIDERATIONS 



IN FAVOR OF THE 



NOMINATION OF ZAOIIAJIY TAYLOR 



By THE 



WHIG NATIONAL CONVENTION. 



i^.-- 



/' / BY A CONSERVATIVE WIIKJ. 

V •■•' 

Whatever differences of opinion may exist among Whigs on the Prosidential 
question will be happily removed by the action of the National Convention. When 
that body, composed, as it will be, of the most distinguished, intelli;TC'nt, and pru- 
dent, shall announce its decision, the whole mass will swell with enlhusiasnj, and 
renew the bonds of a brotherhood, nerer to be broken. Their political (>p[)onents 
need not, therefore, husband consolation nor encourage hope from anticipated feuds 
in their ranks. "The union of the Whigs, for the sake ot the Union," will, as in 
times past, nerve every arm and strengthen every heart. Private grief will sink in 
the recollection of public wrong, and all who value free institutions be promptly en- 
rolled against Executive usurpation. Fair, however, as the prospect seemeth, and 
much as the future promiseth, as the time for the meeting of the National Con- 
vention approaches, the earnest inquiry, " What is to be done, who will be 
nominated?'' daily assumes a more interesting aspect. Names of the high- 
est worth, and eminently deserving the popular suffrage, have been suugested 
in connection with the nomination ; yet it must be conceded that Mr. Clay 
and Gen. Taylor are just now the most prominent. Whether Mr. Clay will, 
as has been freqtjently stated, withdraw from the lists, it is not proposed to 
determine. If, however, the opinion of the writer be worth anything, and he 
claims to no other knowledge than passing events furnish, he will venture the re- 
mark that such a contingency, if recent developments be instructive, does not ap- 
pear probable. He can readily conceive that Mr. Clay should not again court the 
hazard of another canvass, unless the general voice of the nation should call liim 
from retirement ; still, in view of the active exertions of enthusiastic friends, whose 
appeals it is hard to resist, it is rendered quite certain that he will be presented as 
a candidate to the Convention. With unwavering fidelity, for more than a (|uarter 
of a century, the Whigs of the Union have climg to him under every and all cir- 
cufnstances. Their confidence in his patriotism and ability remains undiminished, 
and their preference would be yet as decided in his favor, if the prospect of his 
election were in any degree flattering. But as they have made many fruitless ef- 
forts in his behalf, it is time to consider if their be not another, under whose ban- 
ner they can more certainly succeed. This should be calmly and discreetly done, 
for it is useless to disguise that much, nay, all, depends on the wisdom of the se- 
lection. 

During the last year, State, Congressional, and County Conventions, under Whig 
auspices, declared Zachary Taylor, in the language of the Maryland Whig State 
Convention, "a man in whom the highest trust under our Constitution, may be re- 
Tovyers, printer, corner of D and 7th sts. opposite National Intelligencer. 



2 C1^ 

posed with safety." So far as the public are informed, nothing has since occurred (o 
weaken the force of these declarations, much less to justify their denial or recall. 
The individual so acceptable once to a Whig people, and so generally preferred 
by Whig politicians, stands where he has always stood — on the broad platform of 
the Constitution, "asking no favor and shrinking from no responsibility." He has 
neither changed front nor reversed his position, and if he were worthy of confidence 
and support in 1847, surely he has an equal claim to them in 1848. Indeed, it 
Biay well be questioned whether less positive action now will strictly preserve 
honor, or vindicate the sincerity of our motives. To abandon him will justly ex- 
pose us, to say the least, to the charge of having used his name, not that we loved 
him or cherished his fame, but, in the emphatic language of the Executive "Organ," 
to advance the basest party purposes. To falter where we have staked our faith 
will almost insure defeat — defeat embittered by the reflection, perhaps, that our 
conduct deserved it. If there were no other necessity, then, to impel us to adhere 
to our bond, duty must point the way, and our integrity, whatever it may cost, be 
inviolably preserved. 

THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF -44— A PRACTICAL LESSON. 

The reasons for Gen. Taylor's nomination, to a reflective mind, are obvious 
and striking ; and apart from the indiscretion manifested by some of his 
Whig opponents, in contesting the probabilities of his election, argument would 
lie regarded as a work of unusual folly. To satisfy the greatest unbeliev- 
ers, however, that no other course is safe or politic, a few important facts may 
be stated. The great question is not who is the especial favorite of particular 
individuals, but who of those abundantly able and capable will likely be most 
acceptable to the American people. Availability, therefore, is not to be en- 
tirely ovcilookcd. If Mr. Clay, or any one else, be most available, then Mr. 
Clay, or that other individual, should undoubtedly be nominated. Putting aside 
other competitors for a while, let us examine if the campaign of 1848, with Mr. 
Clay in the field, is likely to result less disastrously than former campaigns have 
yesulted. In 1844, he received the electoral vote of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, 
Connecticut, Vermont, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, North Carolina, Ohio, 
Kentucky, and Tennessee — in all 105 votes. Two hundred and seventy-live votes 
constituted the electoral college, of which 138 were necessary to a choice. 
The thirty-six votes of New York given to him then, would have elected him ; 
those thirty-six votes have not the power now. Added to all he received in '44, 
they would still be insufficient. Texas, Florida, and Iowa, together entitled to 11 
Totes, have since been admitted into the Union, so that the electoral college, in 
the event of Wisconsin not being admitted in time to vote, has been increased to 
286 votes, of which 144 are requisite to an election. Should Mr. Clay, therefore, 
receive the vote of every State enumerated, including New York, his number 
would, only be 141 — three less than a majority. Whence these could be had, it 
will be ditficult to show. There is not another of the fifteen States that voted 
against him in 1844, except New York, which would come forward now to his 
rescue. Those best informed in the matter, their Whig representatives in Con- 
gress, do not think he could under any circumstances, secure Pennsylvania, Loui- 
siana, Indiana, or Georgia. The simple fact that he was beaten by a man undis- 
tinguished and almost unknown, coupled with the preference of the Whigs in each 
for Gen. Taylor, would form a powerful auxiliary to, if not the certain agent of 
Ms defeat. As to New Hampshire, which has heretofore been counted for him, 
lie must be a bold calculator who will claim it, in the face of the late elec- 
tion returns. His opposition to the annexation of Texas — an opposition in 
which the writer heartily sustained him — settles everything so far as she is con- 
cerned ; and his unfortunate speeches and votes against the pre-emption system, 
which have invariably worked to his disadvantage with the far-western States, as 



positively preclude all hope from Florida, Iowa, or Wisconsin. Again ; it is the 
positive opinion of Whigs of the; highest character in those States, that neither 
Tennessee nor New Jersey would vote for hitn in another struggle. If these fears 
be well-founded, and from the meager majorities of '44, (113 votes in Tennessee, 
and 823 in New Jersey,) they would appear so — his overtlirow would come, 
more painful to him and humiliating to us, than that from which we are 
slowly recovering. The argument that he received more votes than General 
Harrison received in 1840, and outran every Whig who ran in '44, or has 
run since, plausible though it be, carries no weight. It only demonstrates, 
what all who have analysed the election returns always knew; first, that 
voters increase with the population, under the conjoint operation of the laws of 
majority and naturalization ; secondly, that (he candidate on national, disconnect- 
ed with local issues, if he enjoy an ordinary share of popularity, always outruns 
the candidates for Governor, Congress, and the Legislature. The poll-books of 
every State will attest this in its broadest assumption. The relative Whig strength 
exhibited at different elections, with diflerent candidates, is to be measured by re- 
sults, and not votes. 

These explanations, made in no spirit of unkindncss to Mr. Clay, show that 
those who calculate so positively on his increased strength, suffer their zeal to 
override all discretion. Let them reflect on the evil consequences which may 
flow from their head-strong will, at least, before they plunge into ruin. If the 
Whigs be again beaten, their die is cast, and their political existence ceases. 
And although the wreck of all conservatism may not ensue, the Government, con- 
tinued in the hands of radicals and destructives, will disregard more recklessly 
than ever, the spirit of the Constitution and the rights of the People. This, then, 
is no time for compliment, no time to give free play to fancy or feeling. The sal- 
vation of the Whig party, the vital interests of the country, and the perpetuity of 
the Union, all forbid it. 

MILITARY GLORY NOT GEN. TAYLOR'S SOLE RECOMMENDATION. 

An extended notice of the prospects of other gentlemen is not deemed appropri- 
ate, because a stubborn determination to force them on their party has been nowhere 
evinced. But it is asked, and often in a spirit of taunt and raillery, ''if we must 
have a military candidate, why not take Gen. Scott?" He may be all that sanguine 
friends represent him, still it is undeniable that his brilliant achievements as a sol- 
dier — why, it is unnecessary, perhaps, to suggest — have not turned the people to him 
in this their hour of peril. It is a gross fallacy, however, to suppose military glory 
is to be established as the sole title to the Chief Magistracy. The preference for 
Gen. Taylor does not, in the apt language of Judge Saunders, of Louisiana, rest 
wholly on what he has done or is expected to do, but rather on what it is believed 
he will not do, if advanced to that high station. 

It is believed he will never willfully pervert or violate the Constitution. 

It is believed he will never obstruct the passage of salutary laws by the inter- 
position of dictatorial power. 

It is believed he will never bring the power and patronage of the Government 
into conflict with freedom of elections. 

It is believed he will never misdirect the patronage of the Government from its 
legitimate ends, to the promotion of his own selfish purposes or the reckless am- 
bition of others. 

It is believed he will never forget that he is not the President of a party, but 
the President of twenty millions of people, bound together by a common liberty 
and a common Constitution. 

And lastly, it is believed, if called to the Presidency, he will bring back the Gov-- 
ernment to its original purity and simplicity, and reimpress it with the similitude of 
of his own character. 



HE CAN AND WILL BE ELECTED. 

The next point for inquiry is, "can Gen. Taylor be elected if adopted in Na- 
tional Convention as the candidate of the Whig party. The Whig majority in the 
House of Representatives is a pertinent answer ; but for his name the Democrats 
would, as heretofore, have had complete control of the National Legislature. It 
is proper, however, to give the subject a broader, and it may be, a more practical 
consideration. Every State which voted for Mr. Clay in 1844, it may be justly as- 
sumed, would as cordially support the hero of Buena Vista. These assure a posi- 
tive capital of one hundred and five votes ; and from the most reliablp information 
to be obtained, it is equally certain, New York, Pennsylvania, Indiana, Georgia, 
Louisiana, Florida, and Iowa, five of which voted for Gen. Harrison in 1840, the 
other two were Territories, would profit by the example and follow in their footsteps. 
These, with the Whig States of 1844, count 202 votes, a majority of 58 in the 
electoral college. Besides, against any named Locofoco, especially Gen. Cass or 
Mr. Polk, his chance for Mississippi, Arkansas, Michigan, and Wisconsin, (if she 
has a vote,) leaving out Alabama and Maine, by no means hopeless, M'ould prove 
erery way favorable. These are not idle calculations, but fair deductions from the 
existing state ot things. And did time permit, they would be seen to be based on 
the surest principles of cause and effect, of philosophy and fact. 

True it is many well disposed individuals speak doubtingly of Whig ascendancy 
in New England and Ohio. The Whigs of New England, among the truest in 
the land, will never sacrifice great national interests, only to be protected by the 
incoming of a Whig administration, to sectional prejudices. They will cleave 
to the nominee of the Convention, whether born under a northern or a southern sun. 
And it GtMi. Taylor be the nominee, as he undoubtedly will, every vote they may 
jkave or can possibly control will be freely accorded him. Indeed, it is even asserted, 
and with good reason, many of her most influential Whig citizens being firm in his 
advocacy, that Massachusetts will, next to Mr. Webster, proclaim him her choice. 
It is also known, that he has many warm and active friends in Connecticut ; and 
if the Bangor Whig,l\ie leading Whigjournal in the State may be credited, in Maine 
his cause is not without supporters. That papei-, under date of the 15th instant, 
makes the welcome announcement,that the Whig sentiment there cordially approves 
his position, and is deeply impressed with the necessity and propriety of his nomi- 
nation. These facts, well authenticated and reliable, clearly establish how idle it 
is to insist that such a nomination will weaken the Whig party in New England ; 
nay, how idle it is to insist that it will not thereby be substantially strengthened. 
The same remark is, perhaps, applicable to Ohio ; the contrary is at best high- 
wrought fear or vague suspicion. And if the worst should be realised. Gen. Taylor 
18 strong enough, chagrined as all would be to witness a cloud pass over the Whigs 
of the proud "young giantess," to lose her vote, and be triumphantly elected. 

HIS ELECTION WILL ESTABLISH WHIG ASCENDANCY IN CONGRESS. 
There is yet another view of the question worthy of careful reflection. A Whig 
President without a Whig Congress, without the power to sustain Whig measures, 
would, it will be candidly confessed, be a poor recompense for labor, and poorer joy 
for victory. As has been already remarked, had Mr. Clay succeeded in 1844 
Congress would have been opposed to him, and his Administration for the most 
part powerless. So would it be could he be elected now — so would it be with the 
election of any other of our many distinguised Whig?. With Gen. Taylor the 
tables would be changed. The Whigs would hold both branches of Congress ; the 
Senate by a small, and the House of Representatives by a majority large enough 
for all practical purposes. The prestige of his name would not only give them 
Senators from New York, Pennsylvania, Indiana, and Florida — the only Senators 
to be chosen in 1849 (one from each State) which are doubtfiil — but insure the 
two Senators to be sent from Iowa, and two more from the new State of Wisconsin. 
It may even occur that Alabama, Arkansas, Illinois, and Missouri, thoroughly 



aroused by the same revivifying influence, will each return a Whig Senator, instead 
of the present Democratic incumbents. As to the House of Representatives, while 
the Whigs could not, under any circumstances, expect to accomplish morn than 
the division of the delegations in New York and Pennsylvania, by uniting on Gen. 
Taylor, they would be reasonably, if not morally, certain to gain one member in 
Maine, one in Rhode Island, one in Maryland, two in Virginia, one in North Caro- 
lina, two in Georgia, one in Alabama, one in Mississippi, two in Louisiana, two in 
Ohio, three in Kentucky, one in Tennessee, one in Illinois, one in Missouri, two in 
Indiana, one in Michigan, and two in Iowa — twenty-four members. The popular- 
ity of Gen. Taylor with all classes of the people, except the ft;w who adhere to " the 
obsolete idea" that defeat under one banner is preferable to success under another, 
is indisputable. He is just the man for the masses. There is that in his charac- 
ter, a singular blending of greatness with simplicity, of worth with modesty, which 
grapples him to them with hooks of steel. He is a man of strong practical sense 
and sound judgment, and these are equalled only by the sternness of his virtue and 
the incorruptibility of his honor. Such are the leading traits of the man, and such 
the man, commissioned of the People, the Time and the Purpose demand. 

HE WILL BE NOMINATED. 
Prophecy is not a human attribute, yet where the signs are propitious, the most 
cautious are prone to attempt it. Such an attempt will, therefore, be, in this re- 
spect, excusable. That the Whig National Convention will nominate Gen. Tay- 
lor is no longer a problem difficult to solve. His strength grows daily, and if the 
result of the Convention, with all proper deference to the feelings and opinions of 
others, does not nearly incline to the following, then many will be deceived, and 
false prophets numerous : 

For Taylor. For Clay. 

Maine 8 Kentucky I'2 North Carolina II 

Massachusetts 12 Tennessee 13 New Hampshire 6 

New Jersey 7 Indiana 12 Vermont 6 

Delaware 3 Illinois 9 Rhode Island... 4 

Maryland 8 Missouri 7 Connecticut 6 

Virginia 17 Arkansas 3 New York 36 

South Carolina 9 Florida 3 Pennsylvania 26 

Georgia 10 Texas 4 Ohio 23 

Alabama 9 Iowa 4 Michigan 5 

Mississippi 6 

Louisiana 6 163 123 

This estimate, io flir removed from the expectations of those who indulge the 
fallacy that the I* ational Convention is merely called for the purpose of announc- 
ing Mr. Clay fo the fourth time a candidate, will be characterized as extraordi- 
nary. It is not of course, pretended that Gen. Taylor will be, in every instance, 
the first choice of all the delegates from the States named ; but enough is known 
of those alreaf y appointed, and of the popular feeling where they are yet to be, 
to warrant th«, deliberate conviction, that he will get the majority. Of the dele- 
gates from tfic southern and southwestern States, there is no doubt whatever. 
Maine, Massachusetts, and Indiana are regarded equally so by a preponderance, 
at least ; and Iowa has instructed her delegates. Kentucky is placed for him on 
the authority of those who ought to know, her Whig members in Congress. From 
New Jersey, delegates will be sent untrammelled, as in fact the delegates from all 
the States should be, and the very circumstance that her vote was not given for 
Mr. Clay in 1840, when^ his star was much more in the ascendant, is pretty 
conclusive as to their course. On the other hand, we have yielded North 
Carolina, Pennsylvania, and New York to Mr. Clay, when the two first are 
much more probable for General Taylor ; and the last, although the delegates 
from the city of New York are pledged, by no means certain. The vote of 
Michigan is quite as probable also for General Taylor as for Mr. Clay ; and of 



the delegates from Ohio, the most of whom are instructed, four are known to pre- 
fer him. As to Pennsylvania, while Mr. Clay's fiiends have, by unprecedented 
means and exertions, secured some six or more of the delegates, it is positively 
ascertained that the friends of Gen. Scott and Gen. Taylor combined, will control 
the vote in Convention. And Gen. Scott's friends, if they cannot put him ahead, 
will go for Gen. Taylor ; certainly never for Mr. Clay. The Intelligencer, the 
Whig organ at Harrisburg, where the State Convention was recently held, in al- 
luding to its proceedings, unequivocally states that one of the delegates at large, 
therein selected, is for Gen. Taylor, and the other for Gen. Scott, and that the 
Convention was notoriously averse to Mr. Clay, and would have so declared had 
he not been at the time a guest in the State. On that ground his immediate 
friends obtained opportune silence, but nothing beyond. All that is required, 
therefore, to assure the nomination of Gen. Taylor, by an expression quite as 
strong as that indicated, is tor his Whig friends to stand fast and firm to the usage 
and organization of the party. The Whig nomination is necessary to his success ; 
and that nomination will be awarded him without contention or difficulty, if they 
will only be true to him and to themselves. In the present aspect of things, it 
cannot be otherwise. 

HE IS NO PARTISAN, BUT A WHIG IN PRINCIPLE. 
Gen. Taylor is no Whig, so the more modern oracles speak, and consequently, 
to nominate him by a Whig Convention is impossible. Was he no Whig when 
the Whig press and Whig speakers everywhere denounced the Administration for 
its persecution of a Whig General? Was he no Whig when a Lieutenant. Gene- 
ral was proposed to supercede him in the command ? Was he no Whig when the 
Wicks, the Ficklins, and Thompsons of the last Congress, censured him for the 
capitulation at Monterey? Was he no Whig when Whig Conventions and prima- 
ry assemblies, so stoutly proclaimed him " every inch a Whig, a Henry Clay 
Whig ?" We have his own word for it that he is a Whig, " not an ultra partisan 
Whig," but " a Whig in principle.^' He says, moreover, in his letter to Mr. Jos. 
R. Ingersoll, that — 

" At the last Presidential canvass, without interfering in anj' way with it, it was well known to 
all with whom I mixed, Whigs and Democrats, for I had no concealment in the matter, that I was 
decidedly in favor of Mr. Clay's election, and / loould noin prefer seeing him in that office TO 
ANY INDIVIDUAL in the Union, certainly more so at any time than myself." 

In a letter of later date to Col. Mitchell, he repeats this avowal of his politics : 
" I have no hesitation, [he remarks,] in stating, as I have slated on all occasions, that I AM A 
WHIG, though not an ultra one ; and / have no desire to conceal this fact from any portion of 
the people of the United S'ates." 

A Whig in principle, having no concealments, preferring Henry Clay's election 
in 1844, and preferring it in '48 to that of any other individual, and yet he is no 
Whig ! The doubt is almost criminal ; for who believes Gen. Taylor insincere, 
who bold enough to harbor the suspicion, that he speaks in this, or anything else, 
.with a forked tongue ? 

HE IS SUSTAINED BY HARRISON, AND HAS WASHINGTON FOR HIS GUIDE. 
But General Taylor refuses to give any pledges, and says the Whigs must 
take him "on their own responsibility." Who asks more? Where is the 
Whig who wishes a Whig President to become the mere creature of cliques and 
cabals, to degrade both his office and the dignity of his nature, and forget country, 
Constitution, and all the Chief Magistrate of the Republic should venerate, in the 
petty triumphs of party ! If there be Whigs so bigoted and intolerant, and so 
contracted in their estimate of what properly befits the character of a President^ 
let them listen to the advice ot the lamented Harrison. In his inaugural ad- 
ilress. Gen. Harrison thus reflects upon the violence of party : 

" Before concluding, fellow-citizens, [says he,] 1 must.say something to you on the subject of the 
parties at this time existing in our country. To me it appears perfectly clear, that the interest of 
the country requires that the violence of the spirit by which those parties are at this time governed, 



must be greatly mitigated, if not entirely extinguished, or consequences will ensue whicii arc 
appalling to be thought of. * * * * * «■ « « ». 

" The entire remedy is with the people. Something, however, may be cfTected by the means 
whicb they have placed in my hands. It is union that we want NOT OF A PARTY FOR 
THE SAKE OF THAT PARTY, but a union of the whole country for the sake of the country." 
Did any one think the?e declarations, declarations in unison with what was ex- 
pected of his Administration had he lived, made (Jen. Harrison any les.s a Whitr ? 
And now, in what do they difier from the position of Gen. 'i\aylor ? Gen. Harrison 
warned us that the spirit of party " must be greatly mitigated, if not entirely ex- 
tinguished," or the true interest of the country woidd be jeoparded, and then re- 
minded us that we should seek the union of the whole people, and " jiot of a party 
for the sake of that party." Gen. Taylor but gives additional force to the senti- 
ment when he says, "I am a Whig, but not an ultra partisan Whig." He 
occupies, in this, the only ground from which the Presidency should be appmached. 
He neither seeks nor declines it, but leaving all to the voice of his countrymen, 
while he makes no concealment of his political attachment, he is determined to 
take office with no obligations except such as the Constitution prescribes. And 
here, too, he has given the best earnest that he will conform his administrative 
conduct to tlie noble examples of earlier Presidents. They gave no pledfes. 
Their public character, their unsullied integrity was the only guaranty of the rec- 
titude of their intentions. Washington and Adams, Jeflerson and Madison and 
Monroe ; when will the nation produce their equals ; where are their pled<^es to 
be found ! The history of their lime will be searched for them in vain. Nay, 
more. Washington, in all things the model of a man, unlike the petty aspirants 
of this day, positively refused to subscribe any pledge whatever. In a letter to 
Benjamin Harrison, and another to Benjamin Lincoln, extracts of which are sub- 

joined, his view of propriety in that regard is clearly expressed, These letters 

are to be seen in the 9th volume of Spark's collection of his writino's. 
To Benjamin Harrison. To Benjamin Lincoln. 

" If it should be my inevitable fate to adiiiinis- " Should it become infvitably necessary forme 

ter the Government, (for heaven knows, that no to go into the chair of Government, I have deter- 

cvent can be less desired by me, and that no earth- mined to go free from, all positive eno-agements 

ly consideration short of so general a call, to- i OF ANY NATURE whatsoever." ^ 

gether with a desire to reconcile contending j)ar- i llth 3Iarch, 1789. 

ties as far as in me lies, could again bring nie I 

into public life,) I will go into the chair under ; 

no pre-engagement of ANY NATURE OR \ 

KIND whatever." 0th March, 1789. i 

THE WHIGS SHOULD TAKE A CANDIDATE ON THEIR OWN RESPONSIBILITY. 

To what, however, do those wedded to an automaton President, for such 
must he prove who tethers and impales himself with pledges, desire Gen. Taylor 
to be pledged ? He has said he is a Whig in principle ; does not that comprehend 
everything ? Were he to write volumes, could he more unequivocally attest his 
sincerity? Therein he has foreshadowed the whole policy of an Administration. 
There, is contained " confirmation strong as holy writ," of a Whio- cabinet the 
perfection of Whig measures, and establishment of the true principles of the Con- 
stitution. Must he be for Henry Clay before all the world, to stand on the old 
broad Whig platforin ? He has again and again written it, " I would prefer him 
to any man in the Union." Where then lies the difficulty? Is it that the Whigs 
must take him " on their own responsibility." On whose responsibility but their 
own do Whigs wish to take a Whig? Where can they procure a bond so satis- 
factory ? Will they avoid all responsibility, and ask their adversaries to select 
jor them, the candidate ? If this be their rule of action, the mantle will fall on 
Mr. Clay, not on Gen. Taylor ; for certain it is the former, for wise and prudential 
reasons, among them holds the preference. 

HE WILL ACCEPT THE WHIG NOMINATION. 

Will he not accept the Whig nomination ? To afiect the contrary is useless. 
There, too, he has spoken for himself. He has already accepted the noniioation 



8 

of Whigs of various sections of the country, of Whig meetings and Conven- 
tions in New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Maryland. What further objection can 
be urged ? Is it to the manner of his acceptance ? Place Mr. Clay's acceptance of 
the nomination of the Whig National Convention in 1844, and Gen. Taylor's ac- 
ceptance of a Whig nomination side by side, and mark the similarity. 
MR. CLAY. I GEN. TAYLOR. 

WASHtNGTON, 2<Z May, 1844. Camp near Mo.vtehey, (Mexico.) 

Gentlemen : I have the honor to acknow- i July 6, 1847. 



ledge the receipt of your letter dated yesterday at 
Baltimore, communicating my nomination by the 
National Whig Convention there assembled, to 
the people of the United States, as a candidate 
for the office of President of the United States. 
Confidently believing that this nomination is in 
conformity with the desire of a majority of the 
PEOPLE OF TOE UNITED STATES, /ac- 
ccpt it, from a high sense of duty, and with 
feelings of profound gratitude. * * * 

H. CLAY. 



My Dear Sir : The resolutions recently 
adopted by a meeting of the citizens (Whig) of 
Prince George's county, Maryland, forwarded to 
me by you, have been, with your accompanying 
letter, duly received. ***** 
* Yet though / feel impelled to yield TO 
THE PEOPLE AT LARGE, I should hail 
with pleasure their determination to confer so 
great a gift [the Presidency] on some eminent 
statesman. 

Z. TAYLOR. 

It will be seen Mr. Clay bases his acceptance on the belief that the nomination 
emanated from "a majority of the people," while Gen. Taylor says he will, not- 
withstanding his great aversion to being considered a candidate, feel himself com- 
pelled " to yield to the people at large." There is no difference between them. 
THE PRESIDENTS ELECTED ON PLEDGES HAVE NEVER REGARDED THEM. 
And these partisan pledges, these promises of the office-seekers, what are they 
worth ? In nine cases out of ten they are made only to be broken. Pledges ! 
Who that made has ever kept them ? Will the lessons of experience never impart 
wisdom ? The pledges of Gen. Jackson's Administration were retrenchment and 
reform, the limitation of Executive patronage, protection to domestic manufactures, 
and internal improvements. How were they fulfilled ? Before the close of his 
first term they were blotted almost entirely from remembrance. Mr. Van Buren 
was pledged to " follow in the footsteps of his illustrious predecessor ;" and yet, 
slight as it was, the pledge was never redeemed. Mr. Tyler's inaugural was 
freighted with pledges ; and what became of them ? The little regret that accom- 
panied his retirement furnishes every comment. And Mr. Polk's pledges, what of 
them ? His celebrated Kane letter pledged him to the protective policy ; and yet 
the first act of his Administration was to s'.rike a death-blow to the labor and in- 
dustry of the country. He was pledged to maintain our title to the whole of Ore- 
gon, to abandon any portion of which he protested against as " a sacrifice of both 
national honor and national right ;" and yet, by his instructions, if Louis McLane 
be truthful, a treaty was concluded which surrendered more than five degrees of 
the territory. He was pledged to conquer a peace with Mexico, such a peace as 
would afford " indemnity for the past, and security for the future ;" and yet he has 
sanctioned the treaty of an unauthorised agent which embraces his principle in 
neither particular — a treaty which annexes, after two years of war, at the cost of 
$100,000,000, and 10,000 lives, the very country for which three years ago he 
would only agree to pay .$15,000,000. He is glad to pay as much now, and behold 
we have " indemnity tbr the past and security for the future !" What, then, are 
pledges, what their necessity ? when any Administration, rightly conducted, must 
be guided after all by the progress of human affairs and the exigencies of the mo- 
ment. Pledges ! There can be no pledges but a clear head, an honest heart, and 
an upright will. These, united in the man who enlists popular sympathy, and is 
a Whig in principle, are all the Whig party require. These pledges they have in 
Zachary Taylor, and come what may, they will rally to his standard, and once 
more to battle for the country and its Constitution. 
Washington, Mpril 4, 1848. 

146 












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